Electoral (Amendment) (Political Funding) Bill 2011: Second Stage
Thursday, February 2nd, 2012Electoral (Amendment)(Political Funding) Bill 2011: Second Stage
Thursday, 2 February 2012
Senator Ivana Bacik: I am delighted to be here to speak on Second Stage of the Electoral (Amendment)(Political Funding) Bill 2011. I am particularly pleased and grateful to the Minister that the Bill is being introduced in the Seanad. It is most appropriate that it is introduced here.
The Bill will make important reforms to political donations, increase transparency in our system of political donations and place important and significant new restrictions on corporate donations. We all very much welcome those changes.
I want to focus on Part 5, relating to State funding of political parties and gender balance, about which I have already communicated many times with the Minister and I am very grateful for his generous and full responses to my submissions to him. I am also grateful to the Labour Party spokesperson on the environment in the Seanad, Senator Denis Landy, who has generously given way to me and Senators Susan O’Keeffe and Aideen Hayden, who particularly wanted to speak about Part 5 of the Bill and to focus on the historic change it will bring about in Irish politics.
Before discussing Part 5 of the Bill I welcome, as others have done, the large group of men and women who have worked for many years to see the change brought about by the Bill happen and who are here to support it. They are in the Gallery and in the audio-visual and overflow room, because we could not accommodate them in the Chamber. They include academics such as Professor Yvonne Galligan, Claire McGing and Fiona Buckley. We have members of Women for Election, the 50/50 Campaign for Democracy, and the National Women’s Council, who have all been pushing very hard for this. We have many activists and councillors from the Labour Party, including Sinéad Ní Uallacháin and Kirsty Hanafin from Labour Women, and students of women’s studies from Trinity College Dublin. We have a huge array of people. I also welcome former Senator Mary Henry and the former Minister, Niamh Bhreathnach, who have also done a great deal to push this issue.
Many of us were in Dublin Castle two weeks ago for Deputy Kathleen Lynch’s excellent conference on how to elect more women. That, too, was overbooked and could not accommodate everyone who wanted to take part. There is a real momentum on this issue. While, as Senator Keane has said, controversy surrounds the question of quotas, a momentum is clearly building in support of the principle.
The rationale behind Part 5 of the Bill is clear. It will provide, for the first time in Irish law, enforceable gender targets, or quotas, for political parties to adopt in their candidate selection procedures. It will impose significant financial sanctions on those parties that do not reach the target of 30% at the next general election. That will rise to 40% subsequently. Only 15% of candidates in the last general election were women.
Why is this necessary? At one point in recent Irish history it appeared quotas would not be necessary. In 1990, when we elected Mary Robinson as our first woman President, Ireland was in 37th place in the international world rankings of women in lower houses of parliament, when 14% of our Deputies were women. It seemed as if this would increase. Sadly, that did not prove to be the case. Our International Parliamentary Union ranking has disimproved significantly since 1990. We have fallen to 79th position in the world table, with only 25 women Deputies, or 15%. It is, as the Minister said, the highest number we have had but it is only 1% higher than in 1990. We have made no significant increase and it means the Dáil remains 85% male and has never been less than 85% male. This status quo has been stuck for a long time. The people who argue that it will change organically have stopped doing so, because it is clear that will not happen without some positive action. Claire McGing has pointed out that only 91 women in Ireland were ever elected to the Dáil in more than 90 years of the existence of the State, which is a different way of portraying the same appallingly low figure. As other speakers have said, the current Seanad is better and it looks a lot better today as the attendance is about 90%. The Minister and Senator Mac Conghail are blessed among women today. In fact, the Seanad has 18 women Members out of 60, a total of 30% exactly. The Labour group, which I am privileged to lead, has 50% female representation, six women and six men—–
Senator David Norris: Thanks to the University of Dublin constituency.
Senator Ivana Bacik: I thank Senator Norris. This is as a result of positive action as regards the nominees of the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste. In any case, international rankings are based on the lower house in parliaments or on those parliaments which are unicameral. We know that the Seanad has not increased representation organically and we know that the Dáil will not do so unless positive action is taken. The evidence from other countries bears this out. Countries ranked around the same place as us in 1990, at 30% representation, have increased their rankings significantly through adoption of positive action measures. I refer in particular to Belgium, which is now ranked 11th in the world, with 39% women in parliament and Spain, now 16th, with 36% women. It is not just a case of looking at the Scandinavian countries, although they are very important because they were among the first to adopt positive action measures. We can now look at countries which were at the same level as us in 1990 and which have increased their representation.
The very clear lack of women Members in the Dáil and Seanad was something that struck me forcefully when I was first elected in 2007 and in December 2008, to celebrate the 90th anniversary of the first election in which women could vote, in December 1918, and when Constance Markievicz was elected, I initiated an Oireachtas women’s day in the Dáil Chamber, inviting in all women still living who had ever been elected to the Oireachtas to be present in the Chamber. A very striking photograph was taken. In recognition of this historic legislation, I ask the Minister if we might arrange to have that photograph displayed in Leinster House. I had previously arranged this with former Minister of State with responsibility for equality, Mary Alexandra White, but the Government fell before the photograph could be displayed in Leinster House. I would like to see this happen as it is a very important and striking visual representation of a Chamber nearly half full of women.
Senators: Hear, hear.
Senator Ivana Bacik: This sends out a very important message.
Other speakers, including the Minister, have referred to the report of which I was an author and with which I was ably assisted by Aoife O’Driscoll of my office. The report was adopted unanimously by the justice committee in 2009. The report deals with women’s participation in politics. I am happy to say that instead of gathering dust, it has indeed fed into this legislation. I refer to the sub-committee hearings leading up to the publication of the report at which we heard numerous arguments, particularly from Professor Yvonne Galligan, about why we should be bringing in legislation like this. As she told us, the current lack of women candidates is a serious restriction to voter choice. She and others have identified the five Cs as the obstacles to women’s representation, namely, child care, cash, confidence, culture and candidate selection procedures. As other speakers have said, we made a series of recommendations aimed at addressing problems of child care, difficulties with raising cash, the introduction of mentoring programmes and leadership training programmes to address women’s lack of confidence. It is more difficult to address the cultural issue. We looked at examples from elsewhere, from Iceland, where a public advertising campaign was held with prominent politicians of each gender confounding gender stereotypes, with images of a male politician wearing high heels and a female politician Minister shaving in front of a mirror—–
A Senator: That is an option for the Minister.
Senator Ivana Bacik: Hopefully we will see something similar as part of the public awareness programme designed to encourage more women to enter politics—–
Deputy Phil Hogan: I have certain boundaries I will not cross.
Senator Ivana Bacik: It is all about transgressing boundaries. In Norway, a national databank of potential women candidates was established in order to get over the perceived difficulty that women do not put themselves forward for election. The most significant recommendation was the need for the sort of legislation we are discussing today. We recommended the model of an opportunity quota which is quite a modest proposal, already adopted in over 100 countries and first used in Latin America, in Argentina. It is not a European invention but it is relatively modest, that enhances voter choice by increasing the numbers of women going forward to face voters in an election but which does not restrict them by placing a quota on the numbers of seats in parliament, something which would be problematic in this country and under European law.
The Seanad held two debates following publication of our report, in April and May 2010, and I note the significant cross-party support at that time for the principle of that legislation. Labour Women also published a Bill to bring forward the same principle and therefore, a good deal of work has been done on this legislation. The commitment to introduce this legislation was placed in the programme for Government and the Minister introduced the Bill in December 2011. I am delighted it is being initiated in the Seanad.
The Minister has referred to the public debate since the Bill was published. I wish to briefly mention the argument that it might be unconstitutional. Like the Minister, I believe there is no substance to this argument and I have quite robustly contested that view in the Sunday Independent on the basis that there is no basis for it. To suggest that a political party has a right to any particular level of State funding is misguided and there is no premise for it in the Constitution which does not in fact recognise political parties. Indeed, the freedom of association is very restrictively framed but I think this can be surmounted.
On the issues of whether the Bill goes far enough, I accept the Minister’s point that 30% was the target we recommended in 2009. It is more ambitious for some parties than others. Clearly, the Labour Party is already close to that figure but I accept that for some parties it will be much more difficult to reach and therefore it needs to be a realistic but achievable target, given the level of sanction.
I suggest we should look again at extending the provisions of the Bill to include local and European elections, as recommended in our report. I can see the difficulty with the funding issue but this might be reviewed. We might wish to review the sunset clause. In practice, this has tended to lapse in any case. Denmark, for example, removed the law on quotas because they had reached a level of women’s representation that was self-sustaining. Once a critical mass in politics is achieved, it will sustain itself.
I thank the Minister for introducing this Bill and I thank all colleagues. I hope we will have all-party support in this House. We know from experience that this Bill is necessary, that the sort of measures it introduces is the best way to increase the numbers of women in politics to ensure our democracy will no longer be unrepresentative and incomplete.
